Israel-Sweden row over media report

Israel-Sweden row over media report

Bildt, who is due to visit Israel, has said he is not going to apologise for the controversial article [EPA] A diplomatic row between Sweden and Israel has intensified, with Israeli politicians urging Stockholm to condemn a newspaper article they have described as "blood libel". In the report, published in Sweden's leading tabloid, a freelance journalist accused the Israeli army of stealing body organs from Palestinian men after killing them. "The statements in the Swedish press were outrageous," Benyamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, was quoted as telling his cabinet on Sunday. "We are not expecting an apology from the Swedish government... We are expecting condemnation." The Swedish government has refused to apologise for the article published in Sweden's Aftonbladet on Monday last week, saying the country's press freedom prevents it from intervening. Bildt visit "If I devoted myself to correcting all the strange claims in the media, I would probably not have time to devote to very much else," said Carl Bildt, the Swedish foreign minister. The controversy comes two weeks before Bildt is to visit Israel, with Stockholm currently holding the rotating EU presidency. The Aftonbladet report said Ghanaian's body had been returned with a long scar In the article, Donald Bostrom, a Swedish freelance journalist, writes about the shortage of body parts in Israel and makes references to the so-called New Jersey scandal earlier this summer which involved rabbis, illegal organ trading and money laundering. Bostrom then gives what he says is his own eyewitness account of an Israeli army raid on a Palestinian village in 1992. He told Al Jazeera he was not anti-Semitic and insisted what he wrote was true. "The body was taken away and the authorities made an autopsy with this young man against the will of the family," Bostrom said. "All those things are actually true and happened. When the military returned the body the family said, 'We think they stole the organ of the body' because there was an empty belly. Medieval libels "What I do is to refer to three things which have actually happened: the boy was shot dead, the autopsy, and the family claiming the body was emptied of organs." The article has sparked outrage in Israel, with scores of ministers and commentators calling it anti-Semitic and reminiscent of mediaeval libels that Jews killed Christian children for their blood. "If I devoted myself to correcting all the strange claims in the media, I would probably not have time to devote to very much else" Carl Bildt, Swedish foreign minister Yuval Steinitz, the Israeli finance minister, said: "In the Middle Ages, slander was spread accusing Jews of preparing Passover matza [unleavened bread] with the blood of Christian children. "And today it is IDF [Israeli Defence Force] soldiers who are accused of killing Palestinians to take their organs." Steinitz said on Sunday that the crisis would continue "as long as the Swedish government doesn't change its attitude towards this anti-Semitic article. "Those who do not condemn it are not welcome in Israel." Gideon Levy, a political analyst for Israel's Haaretz newspaper, described the dispute as "out of proportion" and an attempt by Israel to undermine Sweden's criticism of Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territories. Journalists barred "I think this is a very good example of very bad journalism and very bad diplomacy," he told Al Jazeera on Monday. "The story was published without any kind of factual grounds and it was very easy to deny it and very hard to prove it." Daniel Seaman, the head of the Israeli government press office, said on Sunday he would not give accreditation to two of the newspaper's reporters planning to visit the Gaza Strip. A spokesman for Israel's interior ministry said it was freezing the issue of entry visas to Swedish journalists, though those already working in the country would not be affected for now. The newspaper commented on its story on Sunday, acknowledging that it had no proof of any organ theft but argued that the story deserved publication because of the issues it raised.

Source: Al Jazeera and agencies

France's Algerian shadow

Programmes GENERAL France's Algerian shadow Watch Part 2 As part of its series on Veterans Al Jazeera visited France where feelings over the country's brutal war in its former colony Algeria more than 40 years ago still run deep. Born and raised in Algeria Rabah Gerrairia considers the African nation very much "his country" but it is with sadness and bitterness that he explains why he will never return there. "I won't go back, I won't go," he says. "Of course my family's there, and I'd love to see them. But I'm scared. I'm really scared I'd be killed. It's my country, but I can never go back, never." Gerrairia fears for his welfare in Algeria emanate from his part in France’s brutal and bloody conflict in its former colony between 1954 and 1962. He was one of 150,000 Algerian Muslims who fought for the French during the war known as "harki", a term that more than four decades on is still a negative one for many of their countrymen. Ahead of the declaration of independence by Algeria in 1962 they were forcibly disarmed by the French army – who stood by as thousands were tortured and killed by Algerian independence fighters who regarded them as traitors. Algerian veterans are still bitter at their treatment by the government Unlike European settlers who had also fought for the French – and despite the clear danger to their lives – Algerians who had fought for France were forbidden from immigrating to the former colonial power. Through the kindness of individual French commanders, however, several thousand were illegally smuggled to France where on arrival they were confined to primitive rural camps. In the south of France, near Marseilles one group of veterans remain close friends, regularly meeting to relive their experience and share a cup of tea. 'Republican values' Revisiting the site of one camp, that was only finally demolished in 1995, the men reveal their hostility at the French government for their treatment. "In the camp we lived communally, without any relation to the outside world. We were Arabs and didn't know what racism was," says Slimane Djera, another veteran. "It was only when I was in college that racism came along. We were treated differently – always put at the back of the class. And we have found it very difficult to find jobs." "They [France] said we were there to defend "Republican values", and then they left us without arms, to our own destiny," says Saiid Merabti. "We want France to admit its responsibility for those of us who died in Algeria and for our abandonment in France" The Algerian veterans’ anger is symptomatic of a conflict that has left deep psychological scars on the French psyche and whose legacy was left unaddressed and ignored for a long time by successive governments. In video Watch all of the Veterans series It was a conflict that France was reluctant to label a war from the very start even as a rebellion by the Algerian National Liberation Front escalated from early attacks on French military and civilian targets into full-scale conflict. Algeria was colonised by the French in the 19th century and, unlike the neighbouring protectorates of Tunisia or Morocco, Algeria was considered inalienable French territory, a mere extension of the mainland. Independence drive By the mid 20th century it was home to over a million European settlers who enjoyed the privileges of French citizenship, the overwhelming majority of the population – Arab and Berber Muslims – reaped few benefits from the French presence. In 1954 the FLN, determined to end France's colonial rule and achieve independence, turned to violence. The conflict was ultimately an unsuccessful one for the French As the war became more embittered, atrocities were reportedly carried out by all sides. Many young soldiers sent to Algeria were deployed to villages in the countryside to root out FLN influence at any cost. "Two or three other soldiers and I found ourselves face to face with two FLN fighters. Guns were fired on either side, and they were wounded," says Jean-Paul Vittori, one veteran who did his military service in Algeria. "I stopped shooting to wait for reinforcements. Then other soldiers arrived, and one simply killed one of the FLN fighters. I'll never forget that – it remains an open wound. I’d never have imagined that someone could kill a defenceless soldier." The French proved unable to crush the independence movement and at the end of 1956, the FLN hardened its stance, launching a campaign of urban attacks inaugurated a new chapter in the war known as "The Battle of Algiers". Such bombings were often carried out by Algerian women dressed in Western clothes – a tactic which sent the European settler population into hysteria. Severe measures France reacted harshly, deploying its 10th Parachute Division – headed by General Jacques Massu – to Algiers in an attempt to prevent any further attacks, and stop a General Strike called by the FLN to garner international attention to the independence cause. General Paul Aussaresses reported directly to General Massu and says his superior officer was under orders to prevent a strike organised by the FLN "at any price." That price included degrading forms of torture, practiced by General Massu’s Parachute Division, as they swept the streets of Algiers' ancient Muslim quarter – the Kasbah - in an attempt to identify and break FLN cells. Many people were appalled at the measures that France was undertaking within its own territory. "Today the French authorities admit that a war took place. At the time they refused to. So these prisoners didn't fall under the Geneva Convention," says Jacques Verges, a human rights lawyer famous for his defence of criminals such as Carlos the Jackal. "What's more, they weren't even entitled to the same rights as ordinary criminals. Basically they were "outside" the law. The result was that in Algiers at the time over fifty torture sites existed, mainly in private houses." Verges began his career defending FLN suspects, an action undertaken, he claims, to raise attention in France itself to the systematic abuse of human rights being carried out in its name. "Appalling crimes were committed in Algeria that no one knew about. Events were hushed up. Court-cases were the only way of denouncing these crimes publicly: the only way of denouncing torture." Official silence The French state was to draw a line under the war. An amnesty was put in place for all crimes committed during the war and for decades it was veiled in official silence. A minority still regret the independence of Algeria from France That silence has not only angered Algerian veterans but also former French servicemen and former members of the "Organisation of the Secret Army" (OAS) a breakaway group of hardliners which brought France itself to the verge of civil war in its attempt to keep Algeria French at all costs. The activities of the OAS against both French and Algerian targets accentuated inter-communal tensions in Algeria and men and women from the group still gather for meetings of "The Association for the Defence of Former Prisoners and Exiles of French Algeria". More than four decades on, they remain firm in their belief that France should never have given up Algeria. "We'll forget once everyone has recognized de Gaulle's betrayal – but we'll never forgive him," says Joseph Hattab Pacha, a member of the group. Few French have much sympathy for former OAS members and their claims of “betrayal” but increased calls for recognition of the conflict and its atrocities saw the National Assembly officially admit that a "war" had taken place and a small monument was erected on the banks of the River Seine. Broken silence The silence surrounding the war was well and truly shattered in 2000 when General Paul Aussaresses published a book in which he admitted his part in the systematic torture that was practiced by the French during the "Battle of Algiers", including his assassination of the local FLN leader Larbi Ben M'hidi, covered up at the time as "suicide". General Aussaresses insists that the coercive methods of interrogation – including torture - were sanctioned at the highest levels of the French State. "General Aussaresses committed war crimes in Algeria, crimes against humanity. But his book shows that he committed these crimes under orders from members of the government," Jacques Verges says. "He carried out the orders - but the people above him were quite simply able to bury the past." Aussaresses is unrepentant over his role in the war Aussaresses and his publishers were put on trial in order to suppress the book and convicted them of condoning war crimes, a move that many say made a scapegoat of the general by a nation still unable to face up to its own responsibility for the conduct of the war in Algeria. The French values of liberty, equality and fraternity were badly compromised during the conflict and it continues to cast a shadow over France's relationship with its own Muslim community. Aussaresses however remains unrepentant. "In the middle of trial in Paris my lawyer called me and said 'listen Paul I have a message. If you say the word "regret" there will be no trial.' I said: listen, I cannot say that. I cannot say that. "I feel there is a song of Edith Piaff: “Non, rein de rein, no je ne regret rein." That's my song. I don't regret. I did not like, but I don't regret." Veterans, The French in Algeria can be seen on Saturday August 29 at 1930 GMT and on Sunday at 1030.

General – order security forces to stop firing tear-gas grenades directly at people

General – order security forces to stop firing tear-gas grenades directly at people

Last Friday, 17 April, during a demonstration in Bi’lin, in the Ramallah District, a soldier fired a tear-gas grenade from an increased distance at Bassem Ibrahim Abu Rahma, 30. The grenade left a hole in his chest, causing massive internal bleeding, which led to his death. Two video clips filmed at the site prove that Abu Rahma was standing on the eastern side of the fence, about thirty meters from the soldiers, when he was hit. The video clips also show that during the incident, he did not throw stones, did not damage the fence, and did not endanger soldiers in any way whatsoever.

Footage of the shooting of Bassem Abu Rahmah

B'Tselem wrote to the Judge Advocate General (JAG), Brig. Gen. Avichai Mandelblit on 21 April 2009, demanding that he immediately order a Military Police investigation into the circumstances of Abu Rahma’s death, and that he make it clear to security forces that it is absolutely forbidden to fire tear-gas grenades directly at people. In a previous letter that B'Tselem sent to the JAG on this matter last month, following the severe injuries sustained by the American, Tristan Anderson, when he was struck in the forhead by a tear-gas grenade fired from an increased distance, no response has been received.

Video footage documenting the shooting of tear-gas canisters directly at people

In its letter of last week, B'Tselem attached video clips of demonstrations in Ni'lin, Bi'lin, and Jayyus filmed in recent months. The clips document repeated firing of tear-gas grenades directly at demonstrators, proving that, contrary to the army’s contentions, security forces in the West Bank have commonly practiced this unlawful act.

B'Tselem also noted that, at the location of the demonstrations in Bi’lin and Ni'lin, senior army and border patrol officers are always present. Whether they turn a blind eye to the extensive breach of the Open-Fire Regulations or give express orders to security forces to violate regulations, they bear responsibility for the lethal consequences of this forbidden practice. Furthermore, for some time, and at least since the extensive media coverage of the serious head injury to Tristan Anderson, on 13 March 2009, mentioned above, senior officers of the army and border police have known about direct firing of grenades at demonstrators. Since they were in a position to end this practice, they too bear responsibility for the lethal shooting.

August 2009: Night arrests in Bil'in

August 2009: Night arrests in Bil'in

Since June, armed forces have been entering the village of Bil'in at night and arresting residents. The soldiers arrive at the village, which lies west of Ramallah, with Israel Security Agency agents holding lists of persons suspected of involvement in the weekly demonstrations held in the village against the construction of the Separation Barrier.

According to testimonies given to B'Tselem, in some of the cases, the soldiers and ISA agents cuffed and blindfolded the detainees and took them out of the village, where they were questioned. Only later were they taken to detention facilities. Some of the detainees stated that soldiers had beaten them.

Soldiers shoot tear-gas at demonstrators protesting against the Separation Barrier in Bil'in. Photo: Activestills.org, 24 July '09.

Muhammad Wajih Bernat, 21, told B'Tselem:

On 17 July, around 1:00 A.M., masked soldiers came to our house and took me out of it. A soldier asked for my ID card and told me to stand aside. Two minutes later, a soldier cuffed my hands, blindfolded me, and made me stand behind the house. The soldiers began to search the house.

About three minutes later, some villagers and foreign activists came there and tried to prevent the soldiers from detaining me, but they failed. Two soldiers dragged me by my hands to a place between the groves. I bumped into bushes, thorns, and rocks on the way. Soldiers walked behind me hitting me with their hands and their rifle butts in the legs, stomach, and head. The whole way, I felt the cuffs digging into my wrists. They dragged me about 500 meters, until we got to the separation fence.

From there, they took me by army jeep to a place I don't know. I was in pain from the beating. They didn't give me food or water and left me sitting with my hands cuffed and my eyes blindfolded until noon. Then they took me to the Ofer army base. The next day, the second day of my detention, I was interrogated. One of the interrogators asked me about my activity in the Popular Committee against the Wall. He said he had confessions from other persons about stone throwing and hurling back tear-gas canisters that the army throws but don't explode. I didn't admit to the things they charged me with. On my fifth day of detention, they took me to a court, and the judge ordered my release. I still had marks from the beating and the handcuffs and scratches on my legs.

Rasha Ayub Yassin, who is 21 years old and has a daughter, gave B'Tselem a testimony about the detention of her brother-in-law:

On Monday, 3 August, at 4:00 A.M., I woke up from the sound of soldiers shouting. I saw about fifty masked soldiers come into our house and go up the outside steps to the roof. This was the third time they came looking for my husband's brother, ‘Abdallah Ahmad ‘Issa Yassin, who is eighteen years old.

I climbed up to the roof and saw the soldiers cuffing ‘Abdallah's hands in front of him. He said to me, “Look what happened to my eye.” I saw that his right eye was bleeding badly. He asked me to help him put on his shoes, because his hands were tied. I did as he asked. They didn't let him get dressed and took him away wearing only shorts and an undershirt.

B'Tselem knows of 26 residents of the village who have been detained, some of them on suspicion of throwing stones and organizing the demonstrations. As of 26 August, 14 are still being held. Indictments have been filed against some of the detainees, most of them for stone throwing and damaging the Barrier.

Two of the detainees, Adib Abu Rahma and Muhammad Khatib, are heads of the Bil'in Popular Committee. They were arrested after two 16-year-old minors told interrogators that members of the Bil'in Popular Committee organize the weekly demonstrations held in the village. Indictments were filed against Abu Rahma and Khatib for incitement and soliciting young people in the village to throw stones, among other charges. The indictments did not contain evidence against Abu Rahma and Khatib and alleged they had committed the offenses based solely on their membership in the Committee.

At a court hearing, the judge ordered that Abu Rahma be released. However, the state appealed and the judge of the appeals court accepted its arguments, ordering that Abu Rahma remain in detention until the end of the proceedings. Only afterwards was the indictment against him amended and the count on solicitation, the more serious charge, deleted.

Muhammad Khatib was charged, among others, with throwing stones. This charge was refuted when his attorneys proved that on the day the photo on which the prosecution bases its case was taken, Khatib was abroad.

The indictment further alleges that members of the Bil'in Popular Committee give demonstrators “T-shirts and pieces of iron for deflecting the tear-gas canisters that the IDF fires to disperse the demonstrations.” These “pieces of iron” are tin shields that the demonstrators have begun to carry to protect themselves from the tear-gas canisters that soldiers fire against them in violation of the Open-Fire Regulations. They have done this since a resident of the village, Bassem (Phil) Abu Rahma, was killed by a canister that a soldier fired at him during a demonstration in April. As the videos of the incident and B'Tselem's investigation show, Abu Rahma was not throwing stones or endangering soldiers in any way.

The military court judge released Khatib, noting that there was no precedent for holding a person charged with incitement in detention until the end of the court proceedings. The judge further stated in his decision that Khatib's attorney had submitted evidence indicating that members of the Popular Committee “are acting to reduce the violence arising from the processions.” However, he imposed unprecedented restrictions on Khatib's release, including restraining him from being ten kilometers from Bil'in on Fridays, during the time that the demonstrations are taking place in the village.

More than two years ago, the Israeli High Court of Justice ruled that the route of the Separation Barrier built on Bil'in land was illegal, finding that it was set to enable expansion of the Modi'in Ilit settlement. The High Court rejected the state's contention that the route was set for security purposes and ordered it to propose an alternative route. In December 2008, the High Court rejected the amended proposed route, as it did not meet the criteria specified in the Court's decision. The judges ordered the state to pay court expenses to the petitioners. The third route also did not meet some of the criteria, and the village objected to the requisition orders issued pursuant to the proposed route. The state has not yet filed a response to the objection, and the Barrier has not yet been moved.

The recent wave of detentions raises grave concern that the army intends to suppress any kind of protest against the Barrier's route in Bil'in. It appears that to the army, any kind of protest against building the Barrier along the route that has been ruled illegal, even if nonviolent and non-threatening to security forces, is illegal and warrants arrest.

Testimony: B'Tselem worker photographs settlers trying to steal

Testimony: B'Tselem worker photographs settlers trying to steal sheep and one of them stabs him in the hand, 10 August 2009

Nasser Nawaj'ah, 27

This morning [Monday, 10 August], at about 7:30, I heard voices and shouting coming from the direction of the wadi near our village, Khirbet Susiya. I got up and took my stills camera and ran toward where the voices were coming from. On the way, I looked behind me and saw two others from our village running behind me. They apparently also heard the shouting.

I got there quickly. I saw Jaziya Nawaj'ah and her sheep and two settlers. One of the settlers was average height and heavyset, with short hair, a beard, and slightly dark skin. I know him. His name is Dotan and he works for Dalia [Har-Sinai] at the Yair Farm settlement. The other settler was a bit shorter and younger than Dotan, had short hair and was fair-skinned. I know him too. His name is Shalom, and he is also from Yair Farm. The settlers tried to lead the sheep toward the settlement, and Jaziya shouted and tried to lead her sheep back toward the village.

I went toward Dotan to take a picture of him from up close, and he took something sharp out of his pocket and tried to attack me with it. I managed to get away, but it wounded my right hand. It might have been a knife.

I managed to take pictures of the settlers. I saw that Jamal and Ahmad Nawaj'ah filmed the incident on video and that foreign peace activists who were with us in the village came and also began to film what was happening.

When other residents arrived and tried to help Jaziya, the settlers left. Dotan went to a white car that was parked about five hundred meters to the east, and Shalom walked toward the settlement, where there were soldiers. I went to talk with the soldiers and saw Shalom standing between two of them and telling them that we had trespassed settlers' land. I explained what had happened and Shalom threatened me, saying that when he went into the army, he would shoot me. While I was there, Shalom took their two-way radio a few times and called for reinforcements from one of the battalions. The soldiers let him keep using the device, but nobody answered.

I went back to the village and called the police and asked them to come quickly. I went to the main road to wait for them. About half an hour later, a police car with three police officers inside arrived. One of them was called Jalal and another was called Tal. They spoke with me and then asked me to go with them to the settlement so I could identify the assailants.

I got into the van and we drove to where the soldiers were. Two of the police officers got out to speak with the soldiers, and I stayed in the car with Jalal. Suddenly I saw Dotan passing by in a white Mitsubishi Magnum. I pointed him out to Jalal and said that he was the one who had assaulted Jaziya. Jalal said he would arrest him later on. When the two police officers came back to the car, Jalal told them that Dotan had just passed by. One of the policemen asked him why he hadn't stopped him, and Jalal said it was impossible to take us together. They told me to go with Jaziya, Ahmad, and Iyad Abu Qabita, to the Kiryat Arba police station. One of the policemen returned me to Khirbet Susiya. They said they would arrest Dotan.

I took Jaziya to al-Hassan al-Qassem Hospital, in Yatta, and then we went to the Kiryat Arba police station and filed complaints. My hand wasn't severely injured and I didn't get it examined.

Nasser Muhammad Ahmad Nawaj'ah, 27, married with two children, is the coordinator of B'Tselem's video-camera project in the southern Hebron hills and a resident of Khirbet Susiya, Hebron District. He gave his testimony to Musa Abu Hashhash on 10 August 2009 in Hebron .

شفیعی کدکنی برای همیشه از ایران رفت؛ سفرت بخير، اما ...

يکشنبه، ۸ شهريور، ۱۳۸۸

شاید مسافران پنج‌شنبه شب فرودگاه بین‌المللی امام نمي‌دانستند آوازخوان «کوچه باغ‌های نیشابور» برای اینکه دیگر طاقت خیلی چیزها را نداشت مجبور شد اسباب اثاثیه‌اش را جمع کند و به رفتنی تن بدهد که یک عمر از آن گریزان بود.

پنج شنبه شب گذشته دکترمحمدرضا شفیعی کدکنی، شاعر و پژوهشگر برجسته، تهران را به مقصد آمریکا ترک کرد تا فصل تازه‌ای را در آغاز دهه هفتم زندگی‌اش پیش بگیرد، اما تردیدی وجود ندارد که صندلی خالی آقای دکتر، سال‌ها در دانشگاه تهران خالی خواهد بود و دانشجویان حسرت روزهایی را خواهند خورد که مثل برق از کنارشان گذشته است. کسی شک ندارد که شفیعی کدکنی برای جامعه فرهنگی ایران ارزشمندتر از تصور خیلی‌ها بود؛ هرچند هیچ عکاس و خبرنگاری در فرودگاه حاضر نبود تا رفتن همیشگی او را به تصویر بکشد و کسی غیر از خانواده‌اش برای بدرقه او نرفته بود. خبر رفتن شفیعی کدکنی به آن سوی آب‌ها زمستان گذشته دهان به دهان چرخید، اما کسی آن را جدی نگرفت. ماجرا از این قرار بود که استاد در یکی از کلاس‌هاي درسش قصد خود برای عزیمت به خارج از کشور را مطرح می‌کند و از دانشجویان مي‌خواهد تا کارهای نیمه تمامی را که به او مربوط مي‌شود، انجام دهند. آن روزها یکی از دانشجویان حاضر در آن کلاس خبر را با خبرنگار یکی از روزنامه‌ها مطرح مي‌کند و نگران اتفاقی است که قرار است شکل بگیرد. رفتن شفیعی کدکنی آن روزها برای اولین بار در یکی از وبلاگ‌ها منتشر شد، ولی کسی جدی‌اش نگرفت. رسانه‌ها از یک طرف اصل خبر را شایعه نویسنده وبلاگ مي‌دانستند از طرفی دیگر نمي‌توانستند به راحتی از کنارش بگذرند. حتی همین اواخر یکی از نشریات تقریبا زرد یک بار دیگر به قول خودش به آن شایعه دامن زد و یادآور شد که خوشبختانه خبر تنها در حد شایعه باقی مانده است. همه چیز همین‌گونه گذشت تا یکی از روزهای هفته گذشته فیض شریفی شاعر و منتقد شیرازی و از دوستان چهره بلند آوازه ادبیات ایران یک بار دیگر خبر رفتن شفیعی کدکنی را برای نویسنده همان وبلاگ تشریح کرد. انگار شفیعی کدکنی با تلفن از دوستانش خداحافظي مي‌کرد.

به هرحال آنقدر دست روی دست گذاشتیم و منتظر ماندیم تا بالاخره اتفاقی که نباید افتاد و شفیعی کدکنی به دعوت دانشگاه پریستون ترجیح داد زندگی‌اش را در آمریکا ادامه بدهد و در همان جا به تدریس بپردازد. او اولین استاد برجسته‌ای نیست که رفتن را به ماندن ترجیح داد؛ اما تا این لحظه آخرین نفر از نسل طلایی اساتید ایرانی است که بیشتر از این ماندن را تاب نیاورد. شاید هم از مهم‌ترین استاد دانشگاه‌هاي ایران به شمار بیاید که تاکنون ترک وطن کرده است. پنج‌شنبه گذشته شفیعی کدکنی آخرین لحظات تهران را با دوستان قدیمی‌اش مرتضی کاخی و محمد رضا حکیمی و خانواده‌اش گذراند. انگار دعوت دانشگاه پریستون یکساله است، ولی چون شفیعی گرین کارت دارد قصد کرده سال‌هاي بیشتری را در آمریکا بگذراند. جامعه دانشگاهی ایران یکی از علمی‌ترین چهره‌هایش را از دست داد. برای آنهایی که مثل مرتضی کاخی یک عمر را با شفیعی گذراندند این روزها، به تلخی زیتون‌هاي رودبار مي‌گذرد. حتما تا چند وقت دیگر که دانشگاه‌ها پس از تعطیلات تابستانی کار خود را شروع کنند روزهای تلخ دانشجویان دانشگاه تهران هم آغاز می‌شود که ناگهان با صندلی خالی استادی روبه‌رو خواهند شد که یکسال و اندی پیش بارها روی آن نشسته بود و خداحافظی قیصر را اشک ریخته بود. مهرماه که بیاید تازه روزهای تلخ آغاز می‌شود و خیلی‌ها تنها مي‌ایستند و زمزمه مي‌کنند:

به کجا چنین شتابان؟

به هر آن کجا که باشد، به جز این سرا، سرایم

«سفرت به خیر اما تو و دوستی، خدا را

چو از این کوير وحشت به سلامتی گذشتی،

به شکوفه‌ها، به باران، / برسان سلام ما را»

پنجاه سال نفت ایران، مصطفی فاتح، سال 1335

http://www.iran-archive.com/gunagun/fateh/fateh.html

بخش 1
بخش 2	-
بخش 3	-
بخش 4	-
بخش 5	-
بخش 6	-
بخش 7	-
بخش 8	-
بخش 9	-
بخش 10	-
بخش 11	-
بخش 12	-
بخش 13	-
بخش 14

اسناد نفت، اداره کل انتشارات و تبلیغات، سال 1330

خش 1	-
بخش 2	-
بخش 3	-
بخش 4	-
بخش 5

http://www.iran-archive.com/gunagun/asnade_naft/asnade_naft.html

فصلی در گلسرخ

شماره 7	-
شماره 9	-
شماره 10	-
شماره 11	-
شماره 12

http://www.iran-archive.com/gunagun/fasli_dar_golesorkh/fasli_dar_golesorkh.html

جوانی پس از مورد تجاوز قرار گرفتن در زندان بعد از آزادی به قید ضمانت, خودکشی‌ کرد

این داستان واقعی جوانی‌ است که در تظاهرات پس از انتخابات دستگیر ،و در اداره اطلاعات اصفهان مورد شکنجه و تجاوز قرار گرفته بود که پدرش با تودیع وثیقه وی را از زندان موقتا رهانیده بود ،که اخیرا بعد از دریافت برگ احضاریه مجدد از طرف اطلاعات از ترس دوباره مورد تجاوز قرار گرفتن خود را از بالای پلی‌ در اصفهان پرت و به حیات خود خاتمه میدهد،در این فیلم کوتاه پدر جوان متفوی را مشاهده می‌کنید که در کنار پیکر خونین و بیجان فرزندش،به زبان ترکی در حال نفرین جمهوری اسلامی است